The evolution of matrimony. The most commonly approved form of marriage across the ages was polygamy, in which one man could marry several women, but in a few parts of Asia and India, one woman might be married to several men. Single parent families and stepfamilies were much more widespread in the past than they are today, although unlike today there were around an equal number of single-father and single-mother households. Usually, these family forms were created by high death rates. Despite all the variety of marital arrangements and family values in the past, there were two cross-cultural commonalities that characterized family life through most of history. The first was that, for thousands of years, marriage was not about a man and a woman falling in love and deciding to take their personal relationship to a higher level. Marriage was a way of acquiring influential in-laws, sealing business deals, raising capital, and expanding the family labor force. So one almost universal cross-cultural value was that young people should not be allowed to freely choose their own marriage partner, especially for such a self-indulgent reason as love. The second common theme in the overwhelming majority of marriages through the ages, and one that lasted even longer than the barriers to romantic and sexualized love between husband and wife, was that marriage was traditionally based on the legal, economic, and reproductive subordination of women.[1]

Polygamy in the United States

Boys cast out by polygamists. Woodrow Johnson was 15, and by the rules of the polygamous sect in which his family lived, he had a vice that could condemn them to hell: He liked to watch movies. When his parents discovered his secret stash of DVDs, including the "Die Hard" series and comedies, they burned them and gave him an ultimatum. Stop watching movies, they said, or leave the family and church for good. With television and the Internet also banned as wicked, along with short-sleeve shirts--a sign of immodesty--and staring at girls, let alone dating them, Woodrow made the wrenching decision to go. And so 10 months ago, with only a seventh-grade education and a suitcase of clothes, he was thrown into an unfamiliar world he had been taught to fear. Over the last six years, hundreds of teenage boys have been expelled or felt compelled to leave the polygamous settlement that straddles Colorado City, Ariz., and Hildale, Utah. But help for the teenagers is improving. In St. George, a nearby city where many of them wind up, two private groups, with state aid, have opened the first residence and center for banished boys. It will offer psychological counseling and advice on things they never learned, like how to write a check or ask a girl out politely, as well as a transitional home for eight who will attend school and work part time.[2]

Life in polygamy country. For generations of rural religious polygamists like those Warren S. Jeffs once led, this was the big town and the citadel of sin all in one. St. George, founded on the southern route to California in wagon train days, was the place to buy groceries or spend an occasional night out. But it was also the local fortress of mainstream Mormonism, which is vehement in its opposition to polygamy. The polygamists, in turn, looked down on Mormons as apostates who lost their way more than 100 years ago by denouncing polygamy, and thus the teachings of the church's founder, Joseph Smith, in a political compromise to achieve statehood for Utah. Now Mr. Jeffs is being tried on felony charges that he was an accomplice to rape in arranging polygamous marriages between under-age girls and older men, and the jury is being drawn from a pool of St. George residents. The trial is expected to throw a sharp light on polygamy and on the culture of Mr. Jeffs's group in particular, the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which is estimated to number about 10,000 people throughout the West. Jury selection began Friday, and Mr. Jeffs, 51, could face life in prison if convicted.[3]

Polygamy in Africa and Asia

Did the Africans get it right? Polygamy is practiced in Africa where it has a positive effect on population growth and fertility but at the same time may be harmful to the health and well-being of women and children. Interviews conducted with Ivorian women during the summer of 2002 reveal their concerns that a monogamous relationship may become polygamous in the future; that they have little control over their husbands' taking a second wife.[4]

Success and failure among Beduin polygamous families. In this study, we interviewed 10 polygamous families, all residing in a Bedouin Arab town in the south of Israel and consisting of 1 husband, 2 wives, and children. Five members were interviewed in each family: first wife, second wife, the oldest child of the first wife, the oldest child of the second wife, and the husband. Five families were considered well-functioning families and five as poorly functioning. Findings suggest that polygamy in both well-functioning and poorly functioning families is painful, particularly for wives. Yet, there are many ways and techniques that enable members of the family to function well. Among them are acceptance of polygamy as God's wish or destiny, equal allocation of resources among both families by the husband, separation between the two households, avoidance of "minor" conflicts and disagreements, maintaining an attitude of respect toward the other wife, and allowing open communication among all siblings, and among children and the other mother. We discuss the need to develop, implement, and evaluate family intervention programs for polygamous families among different communities in the world.[5]

Attitudes toward polygamy. A three-part closed questionnaire was distributed to a convenience sampling of 202 men and women, high school students, and older respondents in a Bedouin-Arab town in the Negev, Israel. Those in monogamous families had more positive attitudes toward polygamy than those from polygamous families. The same was true of men versus women, and youth versus older respondents. Perceived reasons for polygamous family structures likewise varied by age and gender. Previous exposure to or experience with the practice may be significant to perceived attitudes and reasons.[6]

Mental health aspects of polygamy in Turkey. Polygamy is illegal in Turkey, but is common among rural villagers in the southeastern region. Polygamous marriage may have a negative effect on the wives involved. The purpose of this study was to determine the extent of the relationship between psychiatric disorder and polygamous marriage. The mental status of 42 senior and 46 junior wives from polygamous marriages and 50 wives from monogamous marriages was evaluated using the Structured Clinical Interview. It is clear that the participants from polygamous families, especially senior wives, reported more psychological distress.[7]

A comparison of family functioning. A sample of 352 Bedouin-Arab women participated in this study: 235 (67%) were in a monogamous marriage and 117 (33%) were in a polygamous marriage. Findings reveal that women in polygamous marriages showed significantly higher psychological distress, and higher levels of somatisation, phobia and other psychological problems. They also had significantly more problems in family functioning, marital relationships and life satisfaction.[8]

Wife abuse and polygamy. This study compared the phenomenon of wife abuse in polygamous and monogamous Bedouin-Arab families. A sample of 81 women (29-39 yrs old) participated in the present study--40 were from polygamous and 41 were from monogamous families. Results indicated higher levels of personal power and lower levels of wife abuse among monogamous as compared to polygamous wives.[9]

Child survival in west Africa. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys from six West African countries, the risks of neonatal, postneonatal, and overall infant mortality are estimated. Controlling for a set of social and biodemographic factors, it is found that substantial risks of mortality are associated with polygyny. A separate analysis explores the possibility that polygyny's impact could differ from country to country. No significant interaction effects are detected, leading to the conclusion that regardless of the country in which it is practiced, polygyny still poses a challenge to the survival chances of West African children.[10]

Jeff Mishlove's Blog Index

Sex differences in jealousy. Researchers examined in three studies whether sex differences in jealousy emerged in humans as solutions to the respective adaptive problems faced by each sex. Subjects were 566 undergraduates. In Study 1, subjects selected which event would upset them more, a partner's sexual infidelity (SI) or emotional infidelity (EI). Study 2 recorded physiological responses (heart rate, electrodermal response, corrugator supercilii contraction) while Ss imagined separately the 2 types of partner infidelity. Study 3 tested the effect of being in a committed sexual relationship on the activation of jealousy. Male Ss, especially those who had been in a committed sexual relationship, tended to react more strongly to SI, while female Ss tended to respond more strongly to EI. Sex differences generalized across psychological and physiological methods.[1]

Paternity uncertainty and male jealousy. In a classic study, Buss, Larson, Westen, and Semmelroth found that men were more distressed by the thought of a partner's sexual infidelity (labeled sexual jealousy) and women were more distressed by the thought of a partner's emotional infidelity (labeled emotional jealousy). Buss and his associates explained the results by suggesting that men are concerned about uncertainty of paternity, that is, the possibility of raising another man's child while believing that the child is their own. To test this explanation, the Desire for Children Scale was created. It was hypothesized that for men scores on this scale would correlate positively with scores on sexual jealousy. The Desire for Children Scale and the two Sexual vs Emotional Jealousy items of Buss and his associates were given to 49 men and 55 women college students enrolled in psychology courses. The hypothesis was confirmed and gives support to the uncertainty of paternity hypothesis.[2]

Jealousy and short-term sexual strategies. In a classic study, Buss, Larson, Westen, and Semmelroth reported that men were more distressed by the thought of a partner's sexual infidelity (sexual jealousy) and women were more distressed by the thought of a partner's emotional infidelity (emotional jealousy). Initially, Buss and his associates explained these results by suggesting that men are concerned about uncertainty of paternity, that is, the possibility of raising another man's child while believing the child is their own. However, later they explained the results in terms of men's preference for short-term sexual strategies. The purpose of this research was to test the explanation of short-term sexual strategies. Men and women subjects were instructed to imagine themselves in a relationship which was either short-term (primarily sexual) or long-term (involving commitment) and then respond to Buss's jealousy items. It was hypothesized that, when both men and women imagined a short-term relationship, they would be more threatened by a partner's sexual infidelity, and, when they imagined a long-term relationship, they would be more threatened by a partner's emotional infidelity. Support was found for this hypothesis.[3]

Processing of cues to infidelity. The hypothesis derived from the evolutionary view of jealousy that men's jealousy mechanism (JM) preferentially processes cues signaling a mate's sexual infidelity, whereas women's JM preferentially processes cues signaling a mate's emotional infidelity was tested. Depending on the condition, the participants were successively presented with a series of cues signaling either a mate's sexual or emotional infidelity in ascending order of cue diagnosticity. The participants had to determine two thresholds of the jealousy feeling. The first threshold dealt with the cue to infidelity that elicits a first pang of jealousy. The second threshold concerned that cue to infidelity where the intensity of the jealousy feeling becomes intolerable. No sex-specific differences were found with respect to the number of cues to sexual or emotional infidelity until the first threshold. However, after the first feeling of jealousy had been elicited, men needed significantly fewer cues to sexual infidelity and women needed significantly fewer cues to emotional infidelity until the second threshold. Moreover, men were significantly faster in determining the two thresholds for cues to sexual infidelity, whereas women were significantly faster for cues to emotional infidelity.[4]

Morbid jealousy & evolutionary psychology. Individuals diagnosed with morbid jealousy have hypersensitive jealousy mechanisms that cause them to have irrational thoughts about their partner's fidelity and to exhibit extreme behaviors. Using a newly constructed database of 398 cases of morbid jealousy reported in the literature from 1940 to 2002, researchers tested four evolutionarily informed hypotheses about normally functioning jealousy mechanisms and applied them to this novel population of individuals diagnosed with morbid jealousy. They hypothesized that a greater percentage of men than women diagnosed with morbid jealousy would be focused on a partner's sexual infidelity and on indicators of a rival's status and resources and that a greater percentage of women than men diagnosed with morbid jealousy would be focused on a partner's emotional infidelity and on indicators of a rival's youth and physical attractiveness. All four hypotheses were supported. The results suggest continuity between normal jealousy and morbid jealousy and highlight the heuristic value of using archival databases to test evolutionarily informed hypotheses.[5]

Evolutionary vs. cognitive explanations of sexual jealousy. Sex differences in romantic jealousy have been widely reported in the recent psychological literature. According to this literature, men are more likely than women to report being more distressed at sexual than emotional infidelity. There are two explanations for this difference: an evolutionary psychological and a social cognitive explanation. According to the evolutionary psychological account, men and women exhibit differences in jealousy because they faced different reproductive challenges during human evolution. According to the social cognitive account, men and women exhibit these differences because they have been socialised to believe that attachment and sex are weighted differently by each gender. In this study, 268 participants completed a questionnaire designed to compare predictions based on these two theories. The results are generally consistent with the evolutionary account. Men are more distressed by sexual infidelity than by emotional infidelity, and this is not accounted for by beliefs about jealousy that they hold about men, women or themselves.[6]

Jealousy among swinging couples. Swinging involves consensual mutual involvement in extra-dyadic sex. Jealousy in swinging couples is an interesting topic for social psychological research, because it is a common and acceptable response to a romantic partner's real or imagined infidelity. This qualitative study examined the management of jealousy among four active heterosexual swinging couples living in southern England. Participants highlighted the importance of discussion and negotiation to develop a shared couple identity and shared rules and boundaries that allowed them to manage jealousy so that they could better enjoy swinging. Rather than seeking to eliminate jealousy, swingers may manage their feelings of jealousy in order to increase sexual excitement and arousal.[7]

College men and jealousy. Two-hundred ninety-one undergraduates at a large southeastern university completed a confidential, anonymous forty-four- item questionnaire on jealousy. Men reacted differently than women when jealous; they were significantly more likely to turn to alcohol and to believe that the more jealous they were (and maybe expressed this violently), the more they showed their love. Social learning theory provides insights into these findings in that men are socialized to use alcohol to reduce unpleasant feelings rather than turn to friends. They are also socialized to react with anger/revenge when hurt.[8]

Jealousy evoking characteristics of a sexual rival. This study examined the role of waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) and shoulder-to-hip ratio (SHR) of the rival in evoking jealousy in an adult sample of 70 men and 69 women. Women paid more attention to the rivals' waist, hips, and hair, and men paid more attention to the rivals' shoulders. Potential rivals with a low as opposed to a high waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) evoked more jealousy in women than in men, particularly among women with a low WHR. Among women, the low WHR-high SHR rival the V-type body build evoked the highest level of jealousy and was perceived as most attractive and the most socially and physically dominant. In contrast, among men the low WHR-low SHR rival, that is, a rival with a linear and slender body build, evoked the highest level of jealousy and was perceived as the most attractive and socially dominant, but not as the most physically dominant. As men were older, the SHR of the rival was a less important factor in evoking jealousy, whereas among women jealousy in response to the rival's WHR was not affected by age.[9]

Here are three recent research studies that speak to the relationship between love and sex:

Sexual relationships in young adulthood may have important ramifications for individuals' physical and emotional well-being. A subsample of 6,421 participants in Wave 3 of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (18-26-year-olds) who were in a sexual relationship of at least three months'duration were selected for analysis. Multiple logistic regression models were used to explore the relationship between love and various sexual activities.Eighty percent of respondents had engaged in cunnilingus and fellatio as wellas vaginal intercourse in their current relationship; this group included 22%who also had engaged in anal sex. Compared with their peers who reported that they and their partner did not love each other a lot, both males and females who reported mutually loving relationships had significantly higher odds ofhaving given oral sex (odds ratios, 3.9 and 2.6, respectively) and having received oral sex (1.8 and 3.3); males in mutually loving relationships also had elevated odds of having had anal sex (3.1). Most young adult couples in long-term relationships engage in a variety of sexual practices with loving partners; the direction of causality in this association and its implicationsfor relationship building require exploration.[1]

This study examined heterosexual romantic partners' number of intercourse partners prior to the initiation of their relationship to determine if a significant positive correlation (matching) occurred between partners, and if this matching was associated with their level of love, satisfaction with, and commitment to the relationship. One hundred and six couples who were dating, cohabitating, or married participated in this study. Results indicated that, with the exception of cohabitating couples, romantic partners showed a significant level of matching in the prior number of intercourse partners. Further, among the married couples, a higher discrepancy between men's and women's number of previous intercourse partners was related to lower levels of love, satisfaction, and commitment in the relationship.[2]

How do physical affection, sexual activity, mood, and stress influence one another in the daily lives of mid-aged women? Fifty-eight women (median age, 47.6 yrs) recorded physical affection, several different sexual behaviors, stressful events, and mood ratings every morning for 36 weeks. Using multilevel modeling, we determined that physical affection or sexual behavior with a partner on one day significantly predicted lower negative mood and stress and higher positive mood on the following day. The relation did not hold for orgasm without a partner. Additionally, positive mood on one day predicted more physical affection and sexual activity with a partner, but fewer solo orgasms the following day. Negative mood was mostly unrelated to next-day sexual activityor physical affection. Sexual orientation, living with a partner, and duration of relationship moderated some of these effects. Results support a bidirectional causal model in which dyadic sexual interaction and physical affection improve mood and reduce stress, with improved mood and reduced stress in turn increasing the likelihood of future sex and physical affection.[3]

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New Zealand

New Zealand provides a microcosm in which to consider ethnicity, indigeneity, migration and intermarriage, and their interacting effects on society, culture, identity and health outcomes. In the 2001 Census, of those who responded to the ethnicity question, at a level 1 classification 7.9% gave more than one response. In relation to the indigenous people of New Zealand, of all those who recorded Maori as one or more of their ethnic groups, only 56% recorded Maori only. In the younger age groups, less than half the Maori ethnic group were Maori only. Single ethnic categories disguise considerable within-group diversity in outcomes. Based on the New Zealand experience, as international migration continues, and as intermarriage becomes more frequent in most countries, there will be pressure to move from single group race-based measures towards culturally-based complex ethnicity measures.[1]

U.S. Hispanics

Intermarriage patterns between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites over the 1990 to 2000 period in 155 U.S. metropolitan areas was examined, using data from the 1990 and 2000 Census Public Use Microdata Samples. Intermarriage between U.S. Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites declined during the 1990s, a result fueled in part by burgeoning immigration of Hispanics, especially Mexicans. The 1990s also ushered in a period of increasing Hispanic segregation from non-Hispanic whites, growing language barriers, and accelerated educational inequality, which also dampened Hispanic-white intermarriage rates. Conclusions: Our results imply that the Hispanic population is at a transition point, if intermarriage rates are an indication.[2]

United States

Over the past four decades, immigration has increased the racial and ethnic diversity in the United States. Once a mainly biracial society with a large white majority and relatively small black minority--and an impenetrable color line dividing these groups--the United States is now a society composed of multiple racial and ethnic groups. Along with increased immigration are rises in the rates of racial/ethnic intermarriage, which in turn have led to a sizeable and growing multiracial population. Currently, 1 in 40 persons identifies himself or herself as multiracial, and this figure could soar to 1 in 5 by the year 2050. Increased racial and ethnic diversity brought about by the new immigration, rising intermarriage, and patterns of multiracial identification may be moving the nation far beyond the traditional and relatively persistent black/white color line.[3]

England

One way of measuring religious affiliation is to look at rites of initiation such as baptism. English statistics show that for the first time since the Church of England was founded, less than half the nation is Anglican on this criterion. The pattern of formal religious transmission changed during the Second World War. Previously christening was quasi-universal, and the Church of England was the preferred provider. By the end of the war baptism was evidently optional, and chosen principally by parents whose religious identities matched. A demographic theory of advanced secularization is outlined that specifies a proximal cause for declining religious affiliation, and provides tools for predicting the changes to be expected over future decades. The theory also helps to explain why affiliation may fall most quickly where there is most religious diversity.[4]

Arab Americans

Examined Arab American intermarriage using 1990 US Census data. Results indicate high rates of intermarriage consistent with an assimilation perspective. Over 80% of US-born Arabs had non-Arab spouses, implying a diminishing ethnic identification. Logistic regressions show that for both sexes, those with part Arab ancestry, the US born, those with strong English-language ability, and the highly educated were significantly more likely to out-marry, as were Arabs of Lebanese ancestry. It is concluded that the cultural and structural assimilation of Arab Americans is facilitating intermarriage, with indicators of acculturation being the strongest predictors, especially for women.[5]

Hawaii

Intermarriage is one of the most salient demographic features of Hawaii. Between 1983 and 1994, 46% of all marriages contracted in Hawaii were racially exogamous. Over 80% of these intermarriages were formed among 4 major ethnic groups in the islands: Caucasians, Japanese, Filipinos and Hawaiians. In a broad sense, people choose their mate on the basis of equal socioeconomic status, either within or across boundaries of race and ethnicity. Gender differences are very small, indicating that status is equally important for both men and women in choosing a marital partner. However, these patterns suggest that groups of very high and very low status have a very restricted marriage market. Continued intermarriage also raises questions about how to measure race and ethnicity in the islands.[6]

Afterlife beliefs in Nordic countries. The European Values Survey explores national differences and similarities, also regarding religious beliefs which express popular assumptions regarding the nature of man and the ontological status of consciousness. These views differ radically from the dominant scientific view, also in academic psychology. The Nordic countries vary considerably in their beliefs in life after death and reincarnation with half of the respondents believing in life after death, and 43 percent of these believing in reincarnation which also goes against established views of the Christian Church. This shows independence from scientific as well as religious authorities. Is it a remnant of pre-Christian beliefs, due to exposure to Buddhist and Hindu concepts, or a sign of original independent thinking? Half a century of anti-religious regimes in Eastern Europe seems to have had no major effect on beliefs about personal survival, and the European Values Survey shows a widespread belief in reincarnation.[1]

Reincarnation beliefs among the Druze Muslims in Israel. To gain an understanding of the psychosocial function of reincarnation among Druze, interviews were conducted with nine male subjects who had experienced reincarnation (Notq) and with one or two of their family members. Analysis of these interviews revealed that the onset of Notq typically occurs at between two and five years of age. Five of the subjects had displayed psychological distress in their childhood that was alleviated after the Notq. Once the child has displayed initial indications of reincarnation, such as mentioning names that the family construes as being from a past life, the family takes an active role in constructing the past-life story and matching it to a known real story involving a tragic death. This match creates a new order in the life of the child, the family, and the past-life family. All parties benefit from this new order: the child receives new special attention and love and becomes able to control and manipulate the parents; the parents are relieved because they see the child happy, and benefit from the social attention and regard they receive; and the grieving of the bereaved past-life family is alleviated by the realization that the soul of their lost son still lives.[2]

A case study. In 1933 a 16-year-old well-educated Hungarian girl, Iris Farczády, who had dabbled extensively in mediumship, suddenly underwent a drastic personality change, claiming to be re-born Lucía, a 41-year-old Spanish working woman said by her to have died earlier that year. Transformed into 'Lucia', Iris spoke thereafter in fluent Spanish, a language she had apparently never learnt or had the opportunity to acquire, and could not understand any other language. Lucía has remained in control ever since and, now aged 86, she still considers Iris to have been a different person, who ceased to exist in 1933. The three authors of this paper met Lucia in 1998, and a camcorder cassette of interviews with her arc lodged with the SPR. Attempts have been made to locate Lucia's claimed Spanish family, but these have not been successful. While the reincarnation aspect of the case has not been supported, there remains the puzzle of how Iris acquired her knowledge of the Spanish language, customs and popular culture, and why Iris should have willed or submitted to her 'replacement' by Lucía.[3]

Three cases of past-life memory. The more impressive cases of children who claim to remember a past life may get published with greater frequency than 'run of the mill' cases, giving readers a skewed impression of the phenomena. Thirty children who speak about a previous life were briefly interviewed for the purpose of a psychological study in Lebanon. Three children were randomly selected for a thorough investigation from a pool of 29 of these children (the case of one child had already been investigated). In one case a deceased person was identified whose circumstances in life closely resembled the child's statements. In another case no person adequately matching the child's statements was found, and checking the correctness of her statements was impossible due to practical reasons. In the third case the child's family was related to the alleged previous personality, which could have given the child and its parents ample opportunity to learn by normal means about the previous personality. In addition to the alleged memory aspect, some cases show perplexing psycho-physiological and behavioural features.[4]

Psychology of past-life memories. Children who claim to remember fragments of a past life are found in some countries. Various explanations have been put forward as to why the alleged memories develop, ranging from reincarnation to 'therapeutic resource'. This study puts to the test the role of some psychological characteristics and the circumstances in which the children live, such as fantasy, suggestibility, social isolation, dissociation, and attention-seeking. Thirty children in Lebanon who had persistently spoken of past-life memories, and 30 comparison children, were administered relevant tests and questionnaires. The target group obtained higher scores for daydreaming, attention-seeking, and dissociation, but not for social isolation and suggestibility. The level of dissociation was much lower than in cases of multiple personality and not clinically relevant. There was some evidence of post-traumatic stress disorder-like symptoms. Eighty per cent of the children spoke of past-life memories of circumstances leading to a violent death (mostly accidents, also war-related deaths and murder).[5]

Birthmarks related to past-life memories. Children who speak of memories of a previous life may explain birthmarks as related to wounds inflicted upon them in the former life. This article reports the case of a 9-yr-old girl in Sri Lanka who claimed to have been an incense-maker, and to have died in a traffic accident. After a location had been given an incense-maker was identified whose life corresponded to many of her statements. He had died in a traffic accident 2 yrs prior to her birth, and the post-mortem report revealed that wounds had been inflicted on him in the same area as her birthmarks.[6]

Past-life memories in Sri Lanka. Examined characteristics of children in Sri Lanka who claimed memories of a previous life. Personality and psychological measures were administered to 27 pairs of 5.4-10.2 yr old children who did vs did not claim previous life memories. Questionnaires about their behavior, development, and family environment were administered to their parents. Results show that children claiming previous-life memories performed better in school than did their peers, and were not more suggestible. The Child Behavior Checklist revealed that children with previous-life memories exhibited more behavioral problems, including oppositional traits, and obsessional and perfectionistic characteristics. The Child Dissociation Checklist showed these children to have dissociative tendencies such as rapid changes in personality and frequent daydreaming. The structure of their family environment did not differ measurably from that of children not claiming memories of a previous life. The influence of belief in reincarnation and early religious education is discussed, as children speaking of a previous life have been found chiefly among Buddhist families.[7]

An unusual birthmark case. Presents a case report describing a Burmese S with an unusual birthmark and birth defects thought by local people to be linked to events surrounding the death of his mother's first husband. The nature of the link is explored, including how the assumption of a linkage could have led to subsequent events.[8]

Past-life memories of twins. Presents 3 case studies of pairs of monozygotic twins who remembered a previous life. In Case 1, Vinod remembered the life of a shepherd, and Pramod remembered the life of a fisherman; both perceived being friends. In Case 2, both the twins Narender and Surender Babu claimed they lived in a neighboring village in a previous life, as brothers. In Case 3, Indika and Kakshappa claimed no relationship in previous lives. Findings suggest that reincarnation theory can help explain differences and similarities in twins that cannot be explained by environmental and genetic factors.[9]

Another case of birthmarks related to past-life memories. This case concerns a young boy in Sri Lanka who made several statements regarding a previous life, among them where he had lived and how he was killed when travelling in a truck through a forest. The boy associated two birthmarks with his claimed memories. His statements were recorded and published, and afterwards a person was found in the area whose circumstances had corresponded to the boy's statements. The birthmarks corresponded to the location of injuries of the person later identified as the previous personality.[10]

Past-life memories as Buddhist monks. Presents 3 case studies of children in Sri Lanka claiming to have been a monk in a previous life. The verification process of statements made by Duminda Bandara Ratnayake (b. 1984) beginning at 3 yrs of age and confirmed by family members showed close resemblance to the biographical data of Gunnepana Saranankara (d. 1929), a senior monk of the Asgiriya Monastery who had owned a red car. A 2nd case is Sandika Tharanga (b. 1979), a child of Roman Catholic parents who exhibited many behaviors of monks. Gamage Ruvan Tharanga Perera (b. 1987) chanted stanzas in Pali at an early age; his memories bear close resemblances to the life of Ganihigama Pannasekhara[11]

Can social psychology explain past-life memories? Applied the socio-psychological hypothesis (SPH) to the phenomenon of the recollection of experiences of past lives, called "cases of the reincarnation type" (CORT). The SPH assumes that a child who seems to speak about a previous life will be encouraged to say more. This leads the parents to find another family whose members come to believe that the child has been speaking about a deceased relative. The 2 families exchange information about details, and they end up crediting the subject with having more knowledge about the deceased person than really existed. Hence, based on the SPH, one would expect a lower percentage of correct statements in cases in which the statements were recorded before the families met (B) than in cases in which statements were recorded after the families met (A). All thoroughly investigated cases from India and Sri Lanka, for which the number of correct and incorrect statements were counted and recorded were used. This yielded a total of 21 B cases and 82 A cases. Contrary to expectation, B and A cases yielded approximately the equal percentages of correct statements and the average overall number of statements was lower for the A cases. Thus, the SPH alone seems unable to explain CORT.[12]

Past-life memories involving other religions. Presents brief case reports for 3 children in India who claimed to remember previous lives that involved a change in religion from Hindu to Moslem or Moslem to Hindu. The children were 1 male and 1 female Moslem who remembered having been Hindus in a previous life, and a Hindu male who remembered having been a Moslem. Various normal and paranormal hypotheses are considered to explain the children's behaviors, but the author concludes that reincarnation seems best able to account for all the features.[13]

In 1984, Michael K. McBeath, published an article title, “Psi and Sexuality” in the Journal of the Society for Psychical Research, Vol. 53, No. 800, pp. 65-77. Because it is very relevant to my investigation in the nature of love and spirituality, I am summarizing it below:

CLINICAL OBSERVATIONS AND SPECULATIONS

Over 60 years ago, psychical researchers were aware of the importance of sexual factors in their research. In 1921, Hereward Carrington presented a paper to the First International Congress for Psychical Research. In it he stated, 'There may ... be a definite connection between sex and psychical phenomena' (Carrington, 1931, p. 146). One of his main points was that clinical observations have been made of mediums such as Eusapia Palladino who demonstrated numerous sexual behaviors during sittings. (Carrington, 1931, p. 146)

The investigations of a number of mediums support Carrington's point. In addition to descriptions of the sexual behaviours and advances made by Eusapia Palladino during episodes of PK (Morselli, 1908; Carrington, 1909, 1931; Dingwall, 1950; Fodor, 1966), there are reports of sexual events attributed to both Willy and Rudi Schneider (Schrenck-Notzing, 1924; Fodor, 1959, 1966; Underwood, 1973; Dodds, 1977; Gregory, 1985), and to Jean-Pierre Girard (Dierkens, 1978).

For Palladino, the production of PK was said to occur along with 'agreeable and even voluptuous thrills' (Carrington, 1909 p. 333). Girard's sensations during episodes of PK are described as similar to experiencing an orgasm (Dierkens, 1978). Rudi Schneider is credited with actually having sexual climaxes during some of his seances. This was verified on at least one occasion immediately following a seance by examining the swimsuit Schneider was wearing. It was also believed that Schneider lost his paranormal abilities during periods of sexual satiety (Underwood, 1973; Dodds, 1977; Gregory, 1985).

Recent statements by gifted individuals themselves also reflect an intimate relationship between psi and sexual elements. Girard stated that he had, 'to learn to be exhibitionistic' in order to perform before people (Dierkens, 1978, p. 156). ASPR subject and consultant, Alex Tanous, used a quote from St. John of the Cross, 'Like coming home', to describe the experience during an out of body experience (OBE). Tanous explained that an OBE involves something very similar to a sexual feeling (Tanous, 1983). Noted OBE experient, Robert Monroe, stated, 'There seemed to be a direct relationship between what I interpreted as the sexual drive and this 'force' that permitted me to dissociate from the physical body'. He added that a clue to this relationship is that, 'the most consistent physical reaction noted when returning from [an OBE] is a penile erection.' (Monroe, 1977, p. 195). In commenting on his experience as percipient in the series of highly successful dream ESP experiments at the Maimonides Laboratory, Robert Van de Castle said, 'I think sexuality plays a far more important role in the production of psi phenomena than we have ordinarily acknowledged'. (Van de Castle, 1974, p. 99). Eileen Garrett stated, '... sex is something I can use to produce, to create with, to transmute the energy into other channels'. (Psychic, 1972, p. 45).

These accounts provide subjective evidence for a sexual element involved in the occurrence of psi. They also provide a glimpse at the personal dynamics and belief systems of gifted individuals. There appears to be in them an acceptance of various aspects of sexuality and sexual expression. Perhaps this is even a prerequisite for a psi performance.

Gifted individuals may also have a greater tolerance for different modes of sexual expression in others. Eileen Garrett expressed a lifelong understanding and tolerance of sexually ambiguous behavior and of homosexuality (Angoff, 1974). One interpretation of this relationship is that people who are socially deviant in one area, like sexuality, are more apt to be deviant in another, like unusual psi sensitivity. This could be due to an increased lack of concern about conformity once an individual has 'come out' or once he feels he has been labeled as deviant (Weiner, 1984). Ideas such as these, combined with the popular notion that a high rate of homosexuality exists among mediums or sensitives suggest that this aspect of sexuality is worthy of attention.

HOMOSEXUALITY AND PSI

The incidence of homosexuality in any given field is difficult to assess due to its history of stigmatization. It is an aspect of a person which otherwise meticulous experimenters might either miss or even choose to leave unmentioned for ethical or legal reasons. Homosexual behavior is still illegal in many parts of the world.

One can assume that in published reports, the incidence of homosexuality among parapsychological subjects is underestimated. Yet we must be careful not to overgeneralize from a limited number of noted cases. The Kinsey (1948) studies estimated about 10% of the American male population to be primarily homosexual (Davidson & Neale, 1973). Excluding other factors, we might expect a similar incidence of homosexuals among subjects in physical research. Many of the same points also apply to cases of bisexuality. Because of these similarities, in this paper cases of bisexuality will be grouped in with those of homosexuality.

It is possible that the notion of a high incidence of homosexual mediums may be true for popular mediums, where fraud and deception are commonplace, but may not pertain to genuine psi agents. This would be a form of the social deviance concept previously mentioned (Weiner, 1984). In other words, there could be a correlation between sexual deviance, such as homosexuality, and an interest in the paranormal which is quite independent of psychic ability (West, 1984). For example, Madame Blavatsky, co-founder of the Theosophical Society, has been labeled a sexually ambiguous psychic in the popular literature (Godwin, 1972).

The idea that psi could be related to repressed sexuality might also be relevant when examining homosexuality (Krippner, 1984). Given the widespread social disapproval of homosexual behavior, it is consistent that a higher percentage of homosexuals would tend towards sexual repression. Along these same lines, it has been postulated that in many locations and cultures, a paucity of available homosexual outlets could lead to large amounts of sexual energy waiting to be expressed (Weiner, 1984).

Another possibility, promoted by Janet Mitchell, is that individuals who are more sexually androgynous are more apt to be psychically gifted (Robinson, 1983). Androgyny can be measured to some degree by such instruments as a Masculinity-Femininity scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1978). The supposition is that homosexuals tend to be more sexually androgynous.

Homosexuality is a difficult area to address, but that should not prevent examination of the relevant cases within parapsychology which do exist. D. D. Home is probably the most celebrated medium in the history of psychical research. Though there are references to his apparent homosexuality (Dingwall, 1962; Dingwall, 1983; Inglis, 1983), it is a point which is often omitted. Dingwall (1962) has stated 'My own view, for which there is now considerable evidence, is that Home was homosexually inclined but rarely, if ever, allowed his inclinations any practical expression ...'

The medium Eva C. (Marthe Beraud) and Juliette Bisson, the woman with whom she lived during the height of her mediumistic career, were said to have 'almost certainly had a sexual relationship' (Brandon, 1983, p. 160).

The brothers and fellow mediums Willy and Rudi Schneider were both cited as having female controls when under trance (Schrenck-Notzing, 1924; Gregory, 1985). Because both Schneiders were also reported to express erotic feelings towards male sitters during seances, it has been suggested that this was a channel for them to express homosexual desires (Fodor, 1959).

Satya Sai Baba is probably the most popular religious leader in India today. The claims of paranormal events produced by Sai Baba exceed even those of D. D. Home. Yet Sai Baba also is surrounded by several rumors of homosexual behavior (Chari, 1981; Thalbourne, 1983).

In addition, a few of the gifted subjects who have worked for parapsychology laboratories recently are known by this researcher to favor either homosexuality or bisexuality. Yet this is a point which has not been publicly acknowledged. Nevertheless, the opinion that a high percentage of gifted sensitives and mediums are homosexually inclined is shared by a number of parapsychologists (Stanford, 1984; Knipe, 1984).

LABORATORY EXPERIMENTS

A successful sexual fantasizing technique was demonstrated by Robert Van de Castle when he was the percipient in a series of experiments at the Maimonides Dream Laboratory. Van de Castle, who was free to choose any agent, 'always chose the most attractive, physically appealing girl available.' (Van de Castle, 1974, p. 99). The evening before the experimental session, the two would spend time together establishing rapport. Then, upon going to bed in the laboratory, Van de Castle would imagine the young woman lying next to him in a sexually intimate way. His goal was to 'consummate a sexual relationship telepathically'. (Van de Castle, 1970, p. 17). Using this technique, they achieved highly successful results (Van de Castle, 1970, 1974, 1984). Because there was no 'non-sexual' control, this does not constitute direct evidence for the effectiveness of sexual imaging, but the results are suggestive.

A few studies have explored the suggestion that women's psi performance can be influenced by their menstrual cycles (Schmitt & Stanford, 1978; Keane & Wells, 1979). Evidence suggests that women tend to have more extreme psi scoring during their pre-ovulatory phase.

In general, the laboratory results mildly support the notion that some aspect of sexual arousal can be associated with psi. Yet, given the historical evidence for sexual factors, one might expect a more robust psi effect. Exploring theoretical ideas might help explain the weakness of the experimental results.

REFERENCES

Angoff, Allan; (1974) Eileen Garrett and the World Beyond the Senses; New York: William Morrow & Company, Inc.

Brandon, Ruth; (1983) The Spiritualists; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.

Carrington, Hereward; (1909) Eusapia Palladino and Her Phenomena; New York: B. W. Dodge; p. 333.

Carrington, Hereward; (1931) 'Sex And Psychic Phenomena'; The Story of Psychic Science (Psychical Research); New York: Ives Washburn; pp. 145-147.

Chari, C. T. K.; (1981) Personal Communication to M. Thalbourne.

Davidson, Gerald C. & Neale, John M. (1973) 'Survey Data on Homosexuality: The Kinsey Surveys'; Abnormal Psychology; New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.; 295-301.

Dierkens, Jean (1978) 'Psychophysiological Approach to PK States'; Psi and States of Awareness Proceedings of an International Conference (1977); Betty Shapin & Lisette Coly (Eds.); New York, N. Y.: Parapsychology Foundation, Inc.; 153-166.

Dingwall, EricJohn (1950) 'Eusapia Palladino'; Very Peculiar People; New York: Rider & Company; 190-195.

Dingwall, EricJohn (1962) 'D. D. Home: Sorcerer of Kings'; Some Human Oddities; New Hyde Park, N.J.: University Books; 122-123.

Dingwall, Eric J. (1983) Book Review-The Shadow of Light; Journal of the Society for Psychical Research; 52 (794); June; 143-147.

Dodds, E. R. (1977) Missing Persons-An Autobiography; Oxford: Clarendon Press; p. 102.

Fodor, Nandor (1959) 'Demon Lovers and Mediumship'; The Haunted Mind; New York: Garrett Publications; 270-286.

Fodor, Nandor (1966) An Encyclopedia of Psychic Science; Secaucus, N.J.: The Citadel Press; 234--235.

Godwin, John (1972) Occult America; Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Company, Inc.

Gregory, Anita (1985) The Strange Case of Rudi Schneider; Metuchen, N. J.: Scarecrow Press.

Inglis, Brian (1983) Book Review-The Spiritualists; Journal of the Society for Psychical Research; 52 (795); October; 209-212.

Keane, Patrice & Wells, Rita (1979) 'An Examination of the Menstrual Cycle as a Hormone Related Physiological Concomitant of Psi Performance'; Research In Parapsychology 1978; 66-69.

Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., & Martin, C. E. (1948) Sexual Behavior in the Human Male; Philadelphia: Saunders.

Knipe, Laura (1984) Personal Communication.

Krippner, Stanley (1984) Personal Communication.

Monroe, Robert (1977) 'Sexuality in the Second State'; Journeys Out of the Body; New York: Anchor Books; 190-202.

Morselli, Enrico (1908) Psicologia e 'Spiritismo' Vols. I & II; Torino: Bocca. [In Italian].

Psychic Magazine (Eds); (1972) Psychics; New York: Harper & Row Publishers; p. 45.

Robinson, Diana (1983) Personal Communication.

Schmitt, Mary & Stanford, Rex (1978) 'Free Response ESP During Ganzfeld Stimulation: Possible Influences of Menstrual Cycle Phase'; Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research; 72; 177-182.

Schrenck-Notzing, Baran Albert F. von. (1924) Experimente der Fernbewegung; Stuttgart. [In German].

Spence, J. T. & Helmreich, R. L. (1978) Masculinity and Femininity: Their Psychological Dimensions, Correlates, and Antecedents; Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Stanford, Rex G. (1984) Personal Communication; August.

Tanous, Alex (1983) Personal Communication; August.

Thalbourne, Michael A. (1983) Personal Communication.

Underwood, Peter (1973) 'Sex and Psychic Phenomena'; Into the Occult; New York: Drake Publishers Inc.; 125-139.

Van de Castle, Robert L. (1970) Dynamics of the Sender-Receiver Relationship in Telepathic Dream Studies; (Unpublished paper delivered at UCLA).

Van de Castle, Robert L. (1974) 'An Investigation of the Psi Abilities Among the Cuna Indians of Panama'; Parapsychology and Anthropology - Proceedings of an International Conference (1973); AllanAngoff and Diana Barth (Eds.); New York, N.Y.: Parapsychology Foundation, Inc.; 80-100.

Van de Castle, Robert L. (1984) Personal Communication.

Weiner, Debra (1984) Personal Communication.

West, D.J. (1984) Personal Communication.

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The following cases were reported by psychologist Henry Reed, a colleague of mind involved with the Intuition Network:

One woman wrote to him about how she uncovered her husband's affair through dreams. She had a dream where he told her that he loved another woman. She woke up crying from the dream and her husband comforted her, assuring there was no basis to the dream. Later, however, he confessed. When he did so, he said to her the exact words she had heard him say in her dream.

Another woman wrote to Henry Reed that twice she dreamed of her husband's infidelities. In both cases, when she told him the dream, the details were so surprisingly accurate, he involuntarily confessed on the spot. A few years later, she had a similar experience, but without the aid of a dream. In this case, he had been staying late at work, complaining that they had been unable to hire extra help for the summer. One night when he came home, she heard a voice in her shout out, and she repeated it aloud, "who is the new person who's working with you?" She was surprised to hear her say these words, for they were in direct contradiction to what her husband had been telling her. He confessed that they did have extra help. It was a woman and she and he were having an affair.

Human feelings being as they are, it is not that uncommon for people to have a jealousy dream in which they see their spouse or lover entangled with someone else. It would make good sense to treat such dreams as pictures of our own worries. Consider this dream sent to Henry Reed by a woman from Massachusetts:

"My husband and I were in a gray stone castle. I was standing on a balcony looking down over a huge ballroom. At least a hundred people were dancing. It was a breathtakingly beautiful sight like a fabulous theatrical production. I went to look for my husband. I walked into a room and saw him there with a half-dressed woman. They were as startled to see me as I was to see them. Then, with a smirk on her face, the woman told me she was a lawyer who had come to consult with my husband on a legal matter. He backed up her ridiculous story. My shock and anger now turned to fury and the woman became afraid of me. She grabbed her dress, coat and handbag and ran from the room."

The wife thought the dream was "only symbolic." Two weeks later, however, when she and her husband were out shopping at a large mall, a woman came running up to them. She created a very loud and humiliating scene. From the woman's remarks it was clear that she was involved with our dreamer's husband. The wife was amazed at this revelation and gave the woman quite a stare--who was this woman? Suddenly the wife recognized her: she was the woman of her dream!

Another woman wrote to Henry Reed that one day a good friend phoned her, quite upset, and relayed this story: After eight years of marriage, she fell in love with her husband's brother. She kept these feelings to herself for a long time, but one day, the brother came over to the house and they had an intimate encounter. Within five minutes of their liaison, the phone rang. It was the woman's husband. He cried out over the phone, "Did you just make love to somebody?" The wife was overwhelmed with disbelief. All she could do was reply, "What?" The husband said, "I know this sounds crazy, but I just had this incredibly strong feeling that you were with another man." The phone call left the wife stunned and she picked up the phone and recounted the incident to her friend, confessing the whole story.

One woman wrote Henry Reed about a dinner conversation with her husband that proved surprising. She found herself blurting out of the blue some derogatory comments about a woman her husband knew. She thought it odd, as she hadn't seen or heard of this woman for over a year. Her husband was surprised too, so surprised, in fact, that he confessed that he had a sexual encounter with that woman just that afternoon.

Here are some additional cases of a similar nature that were collected by pioneer parapsychology researcher Louisa Rhine:

A wife who had never really known jealousy of her husband, for example, had a dream where she saw him leaning against a wall with a woman in front of him. He had both of his arms around her and they were talking and laughing. The next day she asked her husband in a joking sort of way, "If you were against a wall last night standing with a woman holding her in your arms, who might that woman be?" He laughed and said, "I didn't do anything wrong honey, that was just the waitress at the restaurant. She came over to me and said "how's my sweetie?" How did you happen to know?" The wife started to tell him the dream but then for some reason decided that she didn't want him to know about it. So she said she just happened to have gone down for a cup of coffee and happened to see him there.

Louisa Rhine tells the story of a woman working as a waitress in a cafeteria who met a young man who flirted with her. They went out on a date and fell in love. One day he said he had to make a business trip to Boston but would return in a week. That night, she had a dream in which she saw a "sad, frail woman with dark brown hair and in the last stages of pregnancy" who told her that she was the man's wife. The next day, the waitress happened to hear from somebody that the man had not gone on a business trip, but was going to see his wife who, he had learned, was about to have a baby. When the man did return she confronted him with this information, and learned that it was the truth.

In another case, it was the man who wrote to Louisa. He was away from home on a business trip with friends. They ran into some girls and he became somewhat smitten with one of them. After that trip he phoned her a couple of times from his hometown. The next time he traveled to New York, he called her, they had a date and they ended up spending the night together. When they woke up the next morning, she had what she thought was a funny dream, which she told him. In her dream, she saw the man was married to a slim woman with dark hair and a black tooth in front of her mouth. She described their house on the waterfront with its array of boats. In the dream, the couple's daughter came up to the dreamer and said, "Oh, you go out with my father." Hearing this dream shocked the man because everything, with the exception of children, was accurate. He didn't let on that the dream was accurate, but began to distance himself from the woman and gradually broke off the relationship. She never knew her dream was psychic.

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